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Using publicly published data from Congressional Quarterly, we
averaged a couple of different types of scores that they
published, looking at all votes going back to January 1, 1991.
After going through a number of steps and gyrations, we came up
with a list of six hard-core progressive United States Senators
(6% of that body) and 39 hard-core progressive United States
Representatives (about 9% of that body). The algorithm that
we've used to come up with these progressive scores is as
follows: We take ANY VOTE in which a majority of the
progressives we've identified--so in the House say, if there
were no absences, it would be 20 of the 39--voted in opposition
to a majority of the Republican caucus and have that vote
qualify for the database. The same process is used in the
Senate. So, non-ideological votes such as National Groundhog
Day: 429-0 with 6 absences, do not qualify for the database.
ANY vote in which a majority of progressives in the
progressive cohort listed just below here votes against a
majority of Republicans qualifies for the database. The
percentage of votes which qualify using this algorithm remains
remarkably constant from one Congress to another, about half of
all votes cast.
"The Progressive Position" by
definition, is the position of the majority of the Progressives. The
“Conservative Position” is the position of the majority of the
Republicans. We've tested this algorithm in the real world and it
works extremely well. In the case of members of Congress elected
before November 1990, the “Progressive Lifetime Scores” include
only votes cast in Congress since January 1, 1991 (1991-92 was the
first full Congress where vote records were computerized). In the
case of members of Congress elected on or after November 1990, the
scores include all votes that have ever been cast while that member
has been in Congress. The column labeled “ Progressive ’07-’08
Scores” is for the current Congress and shows scores for votes
since January 2007, which allows for an apples-to-apples comparison
for the same time period of all current members of Congress. The
total number of qualifying votes according to this criteria in 2007
was 747 in the House and 269 in the Senate. After we catch up with a
programming backlog, we will post the specific roll call vote numbers
of the votes that qualified for inclusion on Progressive Punch
scores.
The votes used to calculate the scores
in the “Chips Are Down ’07-‘08” column are a subset of the
overall votes that qualify according to the Progressive Punch
algorithm described above. They show the impact that even a small
number of Democrats have when they defect from the progressive
position. These are votes where either progressives lost or where the
progressive victory was narrow and could have been changed by a small
group of Democrats voting differently. The definition of a vote where
progressives lost is one where a majority of the progressive cohort
(see list below) was on the losing side of the vote. Narrow
progressive victories are defined as votes in which progressives won
by 20 votes or fewer in the House (so a shift of 10 votes from one
side to the other would have changed the result) or by 6 votes or
fewer in the Senate (so a shift of 3 votes from one side to the other
would have changed the result). The
total number of votes in 2007 that qualified for Chips Are Down was
154 in the House and 167 in the Senate. After we catch up with a
programming backlog, we will post the specific roll call vote numbers
of the votes that qualified for inclusion on Chips Are Down scores. There
is no surefire objective way to compute how progressive, or for that
matter how conservative, a member of Congress is. A lot of thought went
into coming up with this methodology. That doesn't mean it can't be
critiqued. What we have done is to try to take human beings out of the
equation as much as possible. In other words, the percentages
calculated on this site do not necessarily correlate with the
individual political positions of Joshua Grossman, the primary author
of this website. There are some criticisms that could be levied against
our methodology. One is that it treats every vote equally, when they're
obviously not all equally important. Another is that lonely principled
stands, that might be viewed by some as progressive, such as Barbara
Lee's sole vote against war in Afghanistan, do not qualify for the
database, because not enough Progressives rallied around her flag (no
pun intended). One other thing that no voting index can measure is
intensity of support/leadership.The research functions currently
available on this site are just the first step in terms of what we plan
to make available to the public.
List
of Members Used as Control Group to Contrast with Republican Caucus to
Determine Progressive Scores (alphabetical by last name)
Senators
Boxer, Barbara-CA
Durbin, Richard-IL
Lautenberg, Frank R.-NJ
Kennedy, Edward M-MA
Reed, Jack-RI
Sanders, Bernard-VT
Whitehouse, Sheldon-RI
Congressmen
Baldwin, Tammy-WI
Becerra, Xavier-CA
Capuano, Michael E.-MA
Clarke, Yvette-NY
Conyers, John Jr.-MI
Davis, Danny K.-IL
Filner, Bob-CA
Frank, Barney-MA
Grijalva, Raśl M.-AZ
Hinchey, Maurice D.-NY
Hirono, Mazie-HI
Holt, Rush D.-NJ
Honda, Michael M.-CA
Jackson, Jesse L. Jr.-IL
Lee, Barbara-CA
Lewis, John-GA
Markey, Edward J.-MA
Matsui, Doris-CA
McDermott, Jim-WA
McGovern, James P.-MA
Miller, George-CA
Moore, Gwen-WI
Nadler, Jerrold-NY
Olver, John W.-MA
Payne, Donald M.-NJ
Pelosi, Nancy-CA
Roybal-Allard, Lucille-CA
Sánchez, Linda T.-CA
Schakowsky, Janice D.-IL
Solis, Hilda L.-CA
Stark, Fortney Pete-CA
Tierney, John F.-MA
Velázquez, Nydia M.-NY
Waters, Maxine-CA
Watson, Diane E.-CA
Watt, Melvin L.-NC
Waxman, Henry A.-CA
Welch, Peter-VT
Woolsey, Lynn C.-CA
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